Opinion

Opinion News

Impact of U.S. Tariffs on West Africa and Beyond: Economic Ripples Across the Continent

6th April, 2025 at 13:34
By Our Reporter
The new U.S. tariffs, announced in early April 2025 and set to take effect on April 5 and 9, 2025, impose a baseline 10% duty on all imports, with additional "reciprocal" tariffs on countries deemed t
...
The new U.S. tariffs, announced in early April 2025 and set to take effect on April 5 and 9, 2025, impose a baseline 10% duty on all imports, with additional "reciprocal" tariffs on countries deemed to have unfavorable trade balances or policies with the U.S. These measures significantly impact West Africa and other African countries, particularly those reliant on exports to the U.S. market. Here's how:
West Africa
  • Nigeria (14% tariff): As one of West Africa's largest economies, Nigeria faces a 14% tariff on its exports to the U.S., which include crude oil, petroleum gas, and fertilizers. While energy exports are reportedly exempt from these tariffs, non-energy goods could see reduced demand due to higher costs for U.S. importers. This might strain Nigeria's efforts to diversify its economy beyond oil, potentially leading to lower export revenues and increased economic pressure. The recent export of jet fuel from Dangote Refinery to the U.S. could also face challenges if not classified as exempt, affecting a nascent trade relationship.
  • Ghana (10% tariff): Ghana, subject to the baseline 10% tariff, exports cocoa, crude oil, and gold to the U.S. under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). The new tariffs could undermine AGOA's duty-free benefits, raising costs for U.S. buyers and potentially reducing demand. This might lead to job losses in cocoa farming and processing, exacerbating Ghana's existing debt challenges.
  • Côte d'Ivoire (24% tariff): Facing a steeper 24% tariff, Côte d'Ivoire, a major cocoa exporter, could see significant disruptions. The higher levy might deter U.S. buyers, forcing producers to seek alternative markets like China or absorb losses, which could destabilize an economy already vulnerable to commodity price fluctuations.
  • Other West African Nations: Countries like Senegal and Liberia, hit with the 10% baseline tariff, export smaller volumes (e.g., fish, agricultural goods) to the U.S. The added costs could shrink these markets, impacting local producers and potentially increasing poverty levels in already fragile economies.
Other African Countries
  • Lesotho (50% tariff): Lesotho faces the highest tariff globally at 50%, targeting its textile exports (e.g., jeans for brands like Levi’s), which account for over 10% of its GDP. This could devastate the garment industry, leading to factory closures and massive job losses—estimated at 30,000 direct jobs and more indirectly—threatening economic collapse in a country already grappling with poverty and HIV/AIDS challenges.
  • Madagascar (47% tariff): With a 47% tariff, Madagascar’s vanilla and apparel exports to the U.S. are at risk. The increased costs could cripple these sectors, worsening food shortages and poverty in a nation hit by drought and cyclones.
  • South Africa (30% tariff): South Africa, facing a 30% tariff, exports cars, precious stones, and steel to the U.S. The automotive sector, a key AGOA beneficiary, could see reduced U.S. demand, leading to job cuts and economic strain. South Africa’s government has called the tariffs "punitive," signaling potential trade tensions.
  • Kenya (10% tariff): Kenya’s apparel and tea exports face the 10% baseline tariff. While less severe than higher rates, this could still erode AGOA advantages, raising costs for U.S. buyers. However, Kenya might gain a competitive edge over Asian rivals like Vietnam (56% tariff), potentially attracting some U.S. sourcing if it can absorb or negotiate the cost increase.
  • Other Nations: Countries like Botswana (37%), Mauritius (40%), and Ethiopia (10%) face varying tariffs, affecting exports like diamonds, textiles, and coffee. Smaller economies with limited diversification are particularly vulnerable to reduced U.S. market access, risking economic contraction and social unrest.
Broader Implications
  • End of AGOA?: The tariffs signal a likely end to AGOA, set to expire in September 2025, as they override its duty-free provisions. This undermines decades of U.S.-Africa trade policy aimed at fostering development, pushing African nations to seek alternatives like the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) or deeper ties with China.
  • Economic Fallout: Reduced export revenues could lower GDP growth—potentially by up to 4% in sub-Saharan Africa, per some estimates—raise inflation, and increase debt servicing costs, especially for countries like Zambia and Kenya already in distress.
  • Trade Shifts: African countries may pivot to the Global South, particularly China, which offers duty-free access to least-developed nations. This could accelerate a decades-long shift away from U.S. trade dominance, though infrastructure and capacity gaps may limit immediate benefits.
  • Social Impact: Job losses in key sectors (textiles, agriculture) could heighten poverty and political instability, compounding existing challenges like aid cuts from the dismantled USAID.
In summary, the U.S. tariffs threaten West Africa and other African countries with reduced export earnings, job losses, and economic instability, particularly for those heavily reliant on the U.S. market. While some may adapt by finding new trade partners or negotiating cost-sharing with importers, the overall outlook is one of significant disruption, especially for smaller, less diversified economies.

Opinion: Military Autocratic Regimes in West Africa—A Double-Edged Sword

28th February, 2025 at 00:10
By Our Reporter

The resurgence of military autocratic regimes in West Africa—evident in countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea over the past few years—marks a troubling yet complex chapter in the region

...

The resurgence of military autocratic regimes in West Africa—evident in countries like Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea over the past few years—marks a troubling yet complex chapter in the region’s political evolution. As of February 27, 2025, these juntas, often born from coups against faltering democratic governments, present a paradox: they promise stability and security in a region plagued by insurgencies and corruption, yet they erode democratic norms, centralize power, and risk entrenching new cycles of repression. My view is that while these regimes tap into genuine public frustration with weak civilian rule, their long-term costs—stifled freedoms, economic stagnation, and regional instability—outweigh any short-term gains, making them a flawed and ultimately unsustainable fix.

The Appeal: A Response to Chaos
It’s hard to ignore why these regimes have taken root. West Africa’s Sahel region, in particular, has been a battleground for jihadist groups like JNIM and ISGS, with civilian governments proving incapable of stemming the tide. Mali’s 2020 and 2021 coups, Burkina Faso’s 2022 takeover by Captain Ibrahim Traoré, and Niger’s 2023 ousting of President Mohamed Bazoum all followed patterns of insecurity, poverty, and disillusionment with elected leaders. In Mali, for instance, the military capitalized on public outrage over a corrupt elite and a spiraling war that displaced over 400,000 people. Traoré’s fiery rhetoric against foreign interference—especially France’s perceived neocolonial grip—resonated with a population tired of external meddling and internal incompetence.
The juntas often deliver immediate, tangible results. Niger’s military regime expelled French troops in 2023 and pivoted to Russian Wagner mercenaries, claiming a tougher stance on terrorism. Burkina Faso’s Traoré has personally led anti-jihadist operations, boosting morale and projecting strength where civilian leaders faltered. For many West Africans, these moves signal a break from the past—a rejection of democratic façades that masked kleptocracy and inefficacy.
The Cost: Democracy Undermined, Progress Stalled
But the shine fades fast. Military autocrats, by their nature, prioritize control over consensus, dismantling the fragile democratic institutions that, while imperfect, offered a framework for accountability. In Mali, Colonel Assimi Goïta’s regime has delayed elections repeatedly, jailing critics and muzzling media under the guise of national unity. Burkina Faso’s Traoré, now “Head of State and Supreme Leader of the Revolution,” has suspended the constitution and cracked down on dissent, with dozens of activists reportedly disappeared since 2023. Niger’s junta, led by General Abdourahmane Tchiani, has detained Bazoum and his family, shrugging off ECOWAS sanctions and diplomatic isolation.
This consolidation of power rarely translates into lasting progress. Security gains are overstated—jihadist attacks in the Sahel tripled between 2020 and 2024, per ACLED data, despite military rule. Economic mismanagement compounds the problem: Mali’s gold-rich economy has stagnated under sanctions and juntas’ focus on war over development, while Burkina Faso’s reliance on Russian arms has drained public coffers. The expulsion of Western partners like France has invited new dependencies—Russia and China fill the void, often with opaque deals that exploit resources without building capacity.
Regional Ripple Effects
The spread of military rule threatens West Africa’s stability as a whole. ECOWAS, once a regional bulwark for democracy, has lost teeth—its threats of intervention in Niger fizzled, and Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger’s exit to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in 2024 fractured the bloc. This realignment, cozying up to Russia and shunning traditional allies, risks turning the Sahel into a geopolitical chessboard, with local populations as pawns. Neighboring democracies like Ghana and Senegal now face heightened pressure from their own militaries, where coup contagion looms as a real threat.
A Personal Take
I see the appeal of these regimes as a cry for change, not a vote for autocracy. West Africans aren’t wrong to demand better—their civilian leaders often failed spectacularly, leaving them vulnerable to violence and despair. But trading one form of misrule for another isn’t the answer. Military juntas thrive on charisma and fear, not competence or vision. They’re sprinters in a marathon, offering quick fixes that crumble under scrutiny. The region’s history—think Nigeria’s brutal military eras or Sierra Leone’s warlord years—shows that soldiers rarely relinquish power gracefully.
What’s needed isn’t more khaki-clad saviors but stronger institutions: armies that serve, not rule; elections that matter; and leaders who fear the ballot, not the barracks. The West’s heavy-handed responses, like France’s paternalistic military presence, have backfired, but so has the juntas’ pivot to Moscow’s mercenaries. West Africa deserves a third way—homegrown, participatory governance that tackles root causes like poverty and exclusion, not just their symptoms. Until then, military autocrats will remain a seductive dead end, promising much but delivering little beyond their. 
own survival.