Documentary

Documentary

Hon. Abiola Makinde: A Legacy of Constituency Development and Legislative Impact in Ondo East/West

7th April, 2025 at 17:54
By Our Reporter

April 07, 2025 - 5:49 PM WAT
Hon. Abiola Peter Makinde, Ph.D., the two-term representative of Ondo East/Ondo West Federal Constituency in Nigeria’s House of Representatives, has solidified his reputa

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April 07, 2025 - 5:49 PM WAT
Hon. Abiola Peter Makinde, Ph.D., the two-term representative of Ondo East/Ondo West Federal Constituency in Nigeria’s House of Representatives, has solidified his reputation as a grassroots politician and advocate for development over his tenure spanning 2019 to the present. Representing the All Progressives Congress (APC), Makinde’s legislative journey has been marked by significant constituency projects and impactful bills, earning him the moniker “Father of Empowerment” among his constituents in Ondo State.
A Tenure Rooted in Constituency Projects
Since his election in 2019 under the African Democratic Congress (ADC) banner—before switching to the APC ahead of his 2023 re-election—Makinde has prioritized transformative projects in Ondo East/West. His first term campaign mantra, “WEALTH” (Water, Education, Agriculture, Light, Training, and Health), evolved in his second term to include Empowerment and Entertainment, reflecting an expanded vision for his constituency.
Among his standout initiatives is the upgrade of Adeyemi College of Education to a Federal University of Education, Ondo. Makinde sponsored the bill for this upgrade, which was passed by the House in July 2021, approved by the Senate in October 2021, and signed into law by then-President Muhammadu Buhari on December 23, 2021. This achievement has been hailed as a game-changer for educational access in the region, with constituents praising its long-term impact on youth empowerment.
Infrastructure development has also been a cornerstone of Makinde’s tenure. In December 2021, he moved a motion for the dualization of the Akure-Ondo-Ore Express Road, a critical artery for commerce and connectivity in Ondo State. Seconded by Hon. Okwudili Christopher Eze Nwankwo and supported by the House, the motion led to the Federal Executive Council approving N134 billion for the project in 2023. Makinde has fiercely guarded credit for this initiative, warning against attempts by others to claim it, much like the university upgrade.
Other notable projects include the construction of an Ultra-Modern Public Library in Ondo, a Modern Skill Acquisition Centre at Adeyemi, and public schools in Ajangbale and Odowo communities. Makinde has also overseen the reconstruction of roads like Akinwande and Owowumi Streets, alongside installing solar lights across the constituency. In response to economic challenges post-fuel subsidy removal in 2023, he distributed relief materials—foodstuffs, mattresses, and blankets—to hundreds of constituents, and in September 2024, he facilitated the distribution of 600 bags of fertilizers to farmers, boosting agricultural productivity.
Legislative Contributions and Collaborations
As Chairman of the House Committee on Human Rights, Makinde has leveraged his position to sponsor and collaborate on bills addressing education, infrastructure, and social welfare. Beyond the Adeyemi University bill, he has supported broader legislative efforts, including working with colleagues like Hon. Festus Adefiranye, who moved a complementary motion in 2023 for the Ondo road dualization. His advocacy for youth empowerment is evident in securing federal jobs for over 80 constituents and sponsoring 25 indigent students to study abroad in countries like Sweden, Norway, and the UK.
Makinde’s legislative record also reflects his populist ideology. During his first term, he pushed for improved education funding, calling for systemic reforms in November 2022. His collaboration with other lawmakers has contributed to the passage of significant legislation, though he remains vocal about ensuring his constituents’ voices are heard on national issues like the budget and electoral reforms.
Challenges and Controversies
Despite his achievements, Makinde’s tenure has not been without criticism. In August 2024, a group called Ekimogun Roundtable accused him of abandoning his legislative duties and relocating abroad, sparking a recall movement. They alleged his constituency office was locked and that project execution lagged behind allocated funds. Makinde’s camp, backed by the Ondo Ekimogun Youth Congress (OEYC), swiftly debunked these claims as politically motivated, highlighting his consistent presence and tangible results. The controversy fizzled out, with supporters citing his track record as evidence of his commitment.
A Voice for the Grassroots
Re-elected in 2023 with a commanding 68% of the vote (38,491 votes against PDP’s 15,302), Makinde’s popularity stems from his hands-on approach. His earlier role as Caretaker Chairman of Ondo West Local Government (2013-2015), where he created a massive waste dumpsite and a private waste collection system, laid the groundwork for his reputation as a practical leader. Today, as Director General of the APC State Campaign Council for Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa’s 2024 election bid, Makinde’s influence extends beyond his constituency.
As his second term progresses, Hon. Abiola Makinde continues to champion development, promising “more interventions” for Ondo East/West. With a legacy of education reform, infrastructure, and empowerment, he remains a pivotal figure in Nigeria’s 10th National Assembly, blending legislative prowess with a deep connection to his people.

Nigeria Celebrates Maiden National Police Day Amid Protests and Tributes

7th April, 2025 at 17:31
By Our Reporter

 

April 07, 2025 - 5:27 PM WAT
Today, Nigeria marked the inaugural National Police Day, a historic occasion institutionalized by President Bola Tinubu to honor the dedication, sacrifices, and contributi

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April 07, 2025 - 5:27 PM WAT
Today, Nigeria marked the inaugural National Police Day, a historic occasion institutionalized by President Bola Tinubu to honor the dedication, sacrifices, and contributions of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) to national security. The grand finale of the week-long celebration took place at Eagle Square, Abuja, with a vibrant ceremony attended by top security officials, dignitaries, and members of the public, even as nationwide protests by the Take It Back Movement cast a shadow over the event.
A Day of Celebration and Reflection
The event, which kicked off on April 2, culminated today with a grand parade and procession at Eagle Square. President Tinubu, the special guest of honor, reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to transforming the NPF into a technology-driven force equipped to combat modern crimes. “We can’t fight digital crime with analog tools,” he declared, pledging improvements in welfare, housing, healthcare, and training for officers. Vice President Kashim Shettima, Senate President Goodwill Akpabio, and Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun were among the high-profile attendees, underscoring the national significance of the day.
Inspector-General of Police Kayode Egbetokun called on Nigerians to join in celebrating the “gallant officers” of the NPF, paying tribute to fallen heroes who laid down their lives in service. The ceremony featured tactical unit processions, a silent drill display by officers, and an exhibition of security innovations, showcasing the force’s operational capacity. Families of fallen officers and retired personnel were also honored, adding a poignant note to the festivities.
Protests Overshadow Proceedings
The celebration, however, was not without controversy. The Take It Back Movement, a civil society group, staged protests across states like Lagos, Abuja, and Rivers, coinciding with National Police Day. The group’s actions, which included demands to end bad governance and repeal the Cybercrime Act, drew sharp criticism from police authorities. Force Public Relations Officer Olumuyiwa Adejobi described the timing as “ill-timed and mischievous,” questioning the rationale behind scheduling a mass protest on a day meant to honor the police. “The federal government has set aside April 7 to celebrate the resilience and dedication of our officers,” Adejobi stated, urging dialogue over demonstrations.
In Lagos, protesters gathered at Ikeja Under Bridge, while in Abuja, they rallied near the Three Arms Zone, close to the Eagle Square venue. Security forces maintained a heavy presence, with reports of minor clashes in some areas, though the protests remained largely peaceful by late afternoon.
Community Engagement and Nationwide Activities
Leading up to today, the NPF organized community-centered activities nationwide, including medical outreaches, sanitation exercises, and school programs. In Edo State, officers cleaned up communities like Ibiwe, while in Nasarawa, police conducted sanitation drives in Lafia and Karu. Niger State saw medical teams offering free services, and a nationwide walkathon on April 5 fostered police-community relations. These efforts, according to Egbetokun, reflect the force’s commitment to professionalism and public service.
Mixed Public Sentiment
Public reaction to National Police Day has been varied. While some praised the initiative as a step toward recognizing the NPF’s role in national security, others expressed skepticism. Critics pointed to the police’s handling of the concurrent protests as evidence of a disconnect between the force and citizens. “One would expect the police to be on their best behavior today to improve their image, but they’ve shown their ugly side again,” one observer remarked, reflecting a sentiment echoed in parts of the country.
As the day draws to a close, National Police Day 2025 has highlighted both the achievements and challenges facing the NPF. With President Tinubu’s promise of reforms and the public’s call for accountability, the event marks a pivotal moment for the force—and the nation—as it navigates a complex landscape of security, trust, and civic engagement.

 

A Chronological History of Apartheid in South Africa and Its Implications on African Political Instability

28th February, 2025 at 11:02
By Our Reporter

Apartheid, South Africa’s system of institutionalized racial segregation and oppression, was a defining chapter in the nation’s history, spanning from 1948 to 1994. Rooted in colonial legacies a
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Apartheid, South Africa’s system of institutionalized racial segregation and oppression, was a defining chapter in the nation’s history, spanning from 1948 to 1994. Rooted in colonial legacies and white supremacist ideology, it entrenched inequality, fueled resistance, and left a lasting imprint on African political stability. Its policies reverberated beyond South Africa’s borders, inspiring liberation struggles, destabilizing regimes, and shaping regional dynamics. This article traces apartheid’s timeline and explores its broader implications for political instability across the continent as of February 27, 2025.
Pre-Apartheid Foundations (Pre-1948)
Apartheid didn’t emerge in a vacuum. Dutch settlers (Boers) arrived in the Cape in 1652, followed by British colonization in 1806, establishing racial hierarchies over indigenous Khoisan, Xhosa, and Zulu peoples. The 1910 Union of South Africa formalized white minority rule, uniting British and Boer territories under a segregationist framework. The 1913 Natives Land Act restricted Black land ownership to 7% of the country (later 13%), displacing millions and creating a labor pool for white farms and mines. The 1923 Natives (Urban Areas) Act confined Black urban dwellers to townships, setting the stage for systemic control. By the 1940s, Afrikaner nationalism surged, driven by the National Party (NP), which campaigned on "apartheid" (separateness) to codify these practices.
Apartheid’s Formal Rise (1948–1959)
1948: Apartheid BeginsThe NP won the whites-only election on May 26, 1948, under D.F. Malan, defeating the more moderate United Party. Apartheid became law, aiming to preserve Afrikaner dominance over the Black majority (70% of 12 million), Colored (mixed-race), and Indian populations. The Population Registration Act (1950) classified all citizens by race, while the Group Areas Act (1950) segregated living spaces, uprooting non-whites to peripheral townships like Soweto.
1950s: Legal EntrenchmentThe Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act (1949) and Immorality Act (1950) banned interracial unions. The Bantu Authorities Act (1951) created "homelands" (Bantustans) to strip Black South Africans of citizenship, relegating them to 10 ethnic reserves covering 13% of land. Pass laws, tightened under the Natives (Abolition of Passes and Co-ordination of Documents) Act (1952), required Black people to carry dompas (passbooks), sparking resistance. The 1955 Freedom Charter, drafted by the African National Congress (ANC) and allies, demanded equality, but the NP responded with the 1956 Treason Trial, jailing 156 activists, including Nelson Mandela.
Escalation and Resistance (1960–1979)
1960: Sharpeville MassacreOn March 21, 1960, police killed 69 peaceful protesters in Sharpeville opposing pass laws, wounding 180. Global outrage led to sanctions, while the NP banned the ANC and Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), driving them underground. Mandela co-founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), launching armed struggle in 1961.
1960s: Rivonia and RepressionThe 1963 Rivonia Trial convicted Mandela and MK leaders, sentencing them to life on Robben Island. The Bantu Education Act (1953) deepened, producing a "gutted" Black schooling system, as Hendrik Verwoerd, prime minister (1958–1966), declared it fit only for labor. Bantustans like Transkei gained nominal "independence" (1976), a sham to deny Black political rights in "white" South Africa.
1976: Soweto UprisingOn June 16, 1976, 20,000 students in Soweto protested Afrikaans as a teaching medium; police killed up to 700, including 13-year-old Hector Pieterson. The massacre radicalized youth, swelled exile movements, and intensified sanctions. Prime Minister P.W. Botha (1978–1989) militarized the state, declaring a "total onslaught" against communism and Black liberation.
Decline and Dismantling (1980–1994)
1980s: Township RebellionsEconomic woes—gold prices fell, sanctions bit—coupled with township unrest (e.g., 1985 Langa massacre) strained apartheid. Botha’s 1984 tricameral parliament gave Colored and Indian groups token representation, excluding Blacks, fueling riots. The ANC’s Radio Freedom and MK attacks grew, while Desmond Tutu’s 1984 Nobel Peace Prize amplified global pressure. In 1989, F.W. de Klerk succeeded Botha, bowing to reality.
1990: Mandela FreedOn February 11, 1990, de Klerk unbanned the ANC and freed Mandela after 27 years. Negotiations began, but violence spiked—Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) clashes with ANC supporters killed thousands, hinting at state collusion. The 1991 National Peace Accord eased tensions.
1994: Apartheid EndsThe April 27, 1994, election—South Africa’s first multiracial vote—saw the ANC win 62%, Mandela become president, and apartheid’s legal edifice collapse. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC, 1996–1998) later exposed atrocities, seeking healing over retribution.
Implications for African Political Instability
Apartheid’s 46-year reign destabilized not just South Africa but the continent, with ripple effects enduring into 2025. Its implications on African political instability are profound:
Regional Destabilization via Liberation WarsSouth Africa’s "destabilization policy" propped up Rhodesia’s white regime (until 1980) and funded RENAMO in Mozambique’s civil war (1977–1992), killing 1 million and displacing 5 million. In Angola, support for UNITA against the MPLA (1975–2002) prolonged a war costing 500,000 lives. Namibia’s SWAPO fought South African occupation until 1990, delaying independence. These proxy conflicts flooded the region with arms, weakened states, and birthed warlordism—effects still felt in Mozambique’s 2024 insurgencies.
Inspiration for Liberation StrugglesApartheid galvanized Africa’s anti-colonial and anti-oppression movements. The ANC’s success inspired Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF, though Robert Mugabe’s post-1980 rule slid into autocracy, destabilizing Zimbabwe economically by the 2000s. Uganda’s Museveni, Tanzania’s Nyerere, and Kenya’s Odinga drew lessons from South Africa’s resistance, but their own regimes often hardened, prioritizing power over democracy—Museveni’s 39-year rule exemplifies this drift.
Economic and Social ScarsApartheid’s Bantustan model echoed in Rwanda’s ethnic segregation, contributing to the 1994 genocide’s preconditions (800,000 dead). South Africa’s post-1994 inequality—Gini coefficient at 0.63, the world’s highest—mirrors Africa’s broader wealth gaps, fueling unrest like Nigeria’s #EndSARS (2020) or Kenya’s Gen Z protests (2024). Refugee flows from apartheid’s wars unsettled neighbors; Lesotho and Swaziland absorbed exiles, straining fragile economies.
Cold War Proxy DynamicsApartheid’s alignment with the West against Soviet-backed liberation groups (ANC, MPLA) turned Africa into a Cold War battleground. Post-1994, the vacuum left by superpower rivalry saw new players—China, Russia—exploit instability, as in Mali’s 2021 coup or Sudan’s 2023 civil war, where arms from apartheid’s era still circulate.
Erosion of Democratic NormsSouth Africa’s transition inspired hope, but its neighbors often saw liberation heroes morph into strongmen—Zambia’s Chiluba, Malawi’s Banda—mirroring apartheid’s authoritarian playbook. The ANC’s own corruption scandals by 2025 (e.g., state capture inquiries) signal that dismantling apartheid didn’t guarantee stable governance, a lesson echoing in coups across the Sahel.